"Anyway, everything that happened before the trial, the transmissions of the legislation and the detainment conditions, had made clear to us that we are not dealing with a legal procedure, but that justice was activating as a means of war. In reality what they were interested in was to exterminate us politically. And against this we could not defend ourselves with legal means, there we must act politically.”
Irmgard Moeller
On 17/1/2011 began the special court martial inside of koridallos prisons.
The juridical and executive authority, from the beginning of the procedure had made clear that they are not willing to leave their totalitarian leadership exposed to whoever dares to dispute it.
Their court martial, attempted to isolate its anti-regime enemies from the movement of solidarity that wanted to stand by them. It tried to depoliticize, demean, and amputate the reciprocating quality that characterises solidarity.
Besides the isolation that is attempted though, what stands more perceptible that ever is tomorrows penalization of comrade and friendly relations.
From the photocopying of the information and the retaining of the id cards of those who come to watch the procedure as a necessary condition in order to enter the court room, to the direct and vicious tactic of registering the comrades, with photographs that end up in the drawers of the D.A.E.E.B(Response Directorate of Special Crimes of Violence)
All this structures a strategic plan of the regime and capitalist mechanisms, that have as an objective the consolidation and acceptance of such conditions, aims clearly now at the spreading of a climate of terrorism on anyone who considers it to be necessary to stand in practice next to the political hostages.
The sector of justice is utilized following and imposing the orders of the public safety forces. The structure of co-dependant authorities states clearly the choice of the state mechanism, that attempts to exterminate legally, ethically but mainly politically the revolutionaries. This anti-revolutionary strategic completes a total of polemic that attempts to “cover up” the political opponents to succeed without obstacles our extermination.
The above condition acted as a catalyst for us to realize and co-value the necessity of a position which was going to secure us that one more regime blackmail would be received as forbidden from our side.
It was this specific condition where the 6 imprisoned defendants, after a discussion we had, we decided together, in full conscience and clarity on our choice. If the judges continue to insist on the establishing of this fascist measure, we would leave the procedure denying to legalize it, firing our advocates at the same time as well.
Until this fascist measure changes and the public character of this political trial is secured, we concluded that for us to return would be at least unseemly, so much towards ourselves, as towards the comrades who appeared in solidarity to support us.
For reasons of political consistency and to avoid ethical acceptance, we left the room through our advocates, as the present comrades realized.
At this point it would be important to make some clarifications concerning the total of the people who “participate” in this trial.
In this procedure we are individuals with different political positions, theoretical expansions, different defensive lines, different personal relationships.
In this trial there are two imprisoned members of the R.O. C.C.F., but also other prisoners who deny the charges attributed to us.
Despite this we all met demanding the obvious, discovering thus a community in the frames of solidarity and companionship.
The common decision we took, despite us being different individuals had a common denominator. The practical opposition and dispute to the body of the court.
It was not, neither a decision between members of the organization, but an agreement between people with a substance, conscience and integrity. It is an agreement based on the consistent and political sobriety, against the blackmail of this totalitarian regime.
This collective position means the definition of practical theoretical political bases, that divide the clear and responsible position from political chameleon-ism.
Because the “evidence” that involve me in this case is non-existent and the scenarios of the antiterrorist police arbitrary, it is a fact that if I appeared in the court room the percentage of success of my release would have been practically high and realistic.
There are things though that touch me to the bone and I am not willing to mortgage in a contract that would secure me a more favourable treatment by authority, because if I have room inside me for only one faith, it is for the struggle.
For me the consistency and continuity of the struggle, as well as my denial to appear in their court martial, is one more act for the readopting of the memory of the past, the consistency of the present and the dignity in the duration of the future.
My political positions do not allow me to succumb one more regime or “fighting” blackmail.
I do not retreat, meeting myself in the practice of revolutionary dispute.
I know that the state hunts its enemies like a raging dog. As a political prisoner though I have nothing to bargain.
I declare that I will not appear in their special court martial until this fascist measure changes.
If they are waiting for me to legalize the isolation of the political prisoners in court martials, but also the upcoming persecutions of comrades, I have one thing to say:
REVOLUTION MEANS SELFLESSNESS.
Whoever does not smile in front of the cliff, unfortunately has calculated the hight and inevitably has defined it.
Until we meet again, until the end, until liberation
Long live the subversive Struggle. Long live the Revolution.
Panagiotis Masouras
political prisoner
1st wing koridallos
February 2011
boubouras translations.
